Beirut – Hezbollah’s presence in Lebanon extends beyond its military and political roles, encompassing a broad network of economic and social activities deeply embedded within its support base. This infrastructure has become a critical substitute for the weakening Lebanese state, stepping in to meet citizen needs as public services falter. n nFor decades, the group has developed an integrated system of service, health, educational, and relief institutions. Over time, this network has evolved into a parallel administrative structure, delivering daily support to tens of thousands of families across the country. n nAccording to informed political sources speaking to Al Jazeera Net, the Islamic Health Organization alone operates approximately eight hospitals and over 90 medical centers, primarily located in southern Beirut, southern Lebanon, and the Bekaa Valley. n nThese facilities offer more than basic emergency and primary care; they also run comprehensive civil defense programs involving rescue, evacuation, and relief operations, highlighting the extensive reach of these social institutions. n nIn development, the organization Jihad al-Binaa, established in the 1980s, has filled gaps left by state ministries. Since its inception, it has played a central role in rebuilding homes and infrastructure damaged by military attacks, including water and sewage networks, schools, and public buildings. Its scope has expanded to include agricultural development, environmental projects, and social services. n nThe organization runs vocational and technical training programs, supports cooperatives, promotes small enterprises, and organizes local product exhibitions. It has also launched initiatives to conserve water and energy, and encourages high-value crops such as mushrooms and saffron, reflecting a strategy aimed at boosting self-reliance and strengthening the local economy. n nIn southern Beirut, the Abbas for Drinking Water project, managed by the organization, supplies hundreds of water tanks daily with potable water. Its operations extend beyond the capital to southern and Bekaa regions, supporting farmers, protecting livestock, and enhancing household food security. n nAffiliated charities continue to distribute food, medical, and financial aid to thousands of families monthly, especially since the economic and financial crisis began in 2019. As state support diminishes, large segments of the population increasingly rely on these services as a primary lifeline. n nWith growing debate over Hezbollah’s future and speculation about disarmament scenarios, serious questions arise about the fate of this service network. Experts suggest that broad military or political actions could undermine the group’s ability to fund its social institutions, directly affecting communities that depend almost entirely on its support. n nConversely, some assessments indicate Hezbollah will strive to maintain minimal continuity of these networks using internal resources, recognizing them as vital to its popular legitimacy and a core instrument of influence within its base and broader Lebanese society. n nHezbollah’s Economic Network n nEconomic journalist Monir Younes told Al Jazeera Net that the group’s economic and social activities go beyond its traditional military identity, forming a complex web of institutions and programs. n nIn addition to schools, hospitals, and clinics, Hezbollah manages construction and reconstruction projects, provides social support through consumer vouchers for supporters and members, and has launched initiatives in the fuel sector. n nA key player is the Al-Qard al-Hasan Association, widely seen as the group’s main financial arm. Functioning similarly to a central bank for Hezbollah, it plays a crucial role in meeting the organization’s economic and social needs, underscoring its significance within the group’s internal economic framework. n nYounes noted that this system operated at full capacity before the October 2023 conflict, but its capabilities have since declined due to liquidity shortages, disrupted supply lines through Syria, and suspended Iranian flights to Beirut. n nHe also mentioned that in recent years, Hezbollah spent nearly one billion dollars housing displaced families and rebuilding destroyed homes. However, its resources have sharply diminished since the war. n n”Today, the group faces a greater challenge: reconstruction,” Younes said. “It seeks to push the state to assume responsibility, but it also recognizes that delays in rebuilding residential units could erode its public support.” n nSigns are growing that Hezbollah is preparing reconstruction projects despite their high costs, estimated in the billions of dollars, raising serious doubts about its ability to finance such efforts. n nIn the event of renewed conflict, challenges would intensify as destruction expands and demand for housing and reconstruction funding rises. The situation grows more complex ahead of upcoming elections, as Hezbollah aims to protect its political seats, requiring significant campaign spending that adds further financial strain. n nYounes believes the group now faces critical challenges requiring substantial financial resources to address reconstruction, meet domestic political demands, and manage the ongoing war’s consequences. n nCommunity Influence and Future Outlook n nPolitical analyst Qassem Qasir argues that Hezbollah’s economic and social activities, particularly within its base, do more than alleviate state burdens—they actively strengthen the local environment around the group. n nHe warns that targeting these activities or engaging in direct confrontation could have severe repercussions across Lebanon. n nSuch interventions, he says, might worsen economic and social crises, increase extremism, and potentially trigger broader public backlash. n nHezbollah manages a vast network of services including rehabilitation, shelter, healthcare, and social welfare, alongside education and cultural programs. Dozens of affiliated institutions operate on the ground, targeting diverse social groups, illustrating the depth of the group’s integration into daily life in areas under its influence. n
— News Original —nHezbollah’s Economic and Social Services Expand Community Influence in LebanonnBeirut – Hezbollah’s presence in Lebanon extends beyond its military and political roles, encompassing a broad network of economic and social activities deeply embedded within its support base. This infrastructure has become a critical substitute for the weakening Lebanese state, stepping in to meet citizen needs as public services falter. n nFor decades, the group has developed an integrated system of service, health, educational, and relief institutions. Over time, this network has evolved into a parallel administrative structure, delivering daily support to tens of thousands of families across the country. n nAccording to informed political sources speaking to Al Jazeera Net, the Islamic Health Organization alone operates approximately eight hospitals and over 90 medical centers, primarily located in southern Beirut, southern Lebanon, and the Bekaa Valley. n nThese facilities offer more than basic emergency and primary care; they also run comprehensive civil defense programs involving rescue, evacuation, and relief operations, highlighting the extensive reach of these social institutions. n nIn development, the organization Jihad al-Binaa, established in the 1980s, has filled gaps left by state ministries. Since its inception, it has played a central role in rebuilding homes and infrastructure damaged by military attacks, including water and sewage networks, schools, and public buildings. Its scope has expanded to include agricultural development, environmental projects, and social services. n nThe organization runs vocational and technical training programs, supports cooperatives, promotes small enterprises, and organizes local product exhibitions. It has also launched initiatives to conserve water and energy, and encourages high-value crops such as mushrooms and saffron, reflecting a strategy aimed at boosting self-reliance and strengthening the local economy. n nIn southern Beirut, the Abbas for Drinking Water project, managed by the organization, supplies hundreds of water tanks daily with potable water. Its operations extend beyond the capital to southern and Bekaa regions, supporting farmers, protecting livestock, and enhancing household food security. n nAffiliated charities continue to distribute food, medical, and financial aid to thousands of families monthly, especially since the economic and financial crisis began in 2019. As state support diminishes, large segments of the population increasingly rely on these services as a primary lifeline. n nWith growing debate over Hezbollah’s future and speculation about disarmament scenarios, serious questions arise about the fate of this service network. Experts suggest that broad military or political actions could undermine the group’s ability to fund its social institutions, directly affecting communities that depend almost entirely on its support. n nConversely, some assessments indicate Hezbollah will strive to maintain minimal continuity of these networks using internal resources, recognizing them as vital to its popular legitimacy and a core instrument of influence within its base and broader Lebanese society. n nHezbollah’s Economic Network n nEconomic journalist Monir Younes told Al Jazeera Net that the group’s economic and social activities go beyond its traditional military identity, forming a complex web of institutions and programs. n nIn addition to schools, hospitals, clinics, Hezbollah manages construction and reconstruction projects, provides social support through consumer vouchers for supporters and members, and has launched initiatives in the fuel sector. n nA key player is the Al-Qard al-Hasan Association, widely seen as the group’s main financial arm. Functioning similarly to a central bank for Hezbollah, it plays a crucial role in meeting the organization’s economic and social needs, underscoring its significance within the group’s internal economic framework. n nYounes noted that this system operated at full capacity before the October 2023 conflict, but its capabilities have since declined due to liquidity shortages, disrupted supply lines through Syria, and suspended Iranian flights to Beirut. n nHe also mentioned that in recent years, Hezbollah spent nearly one billion dollars housing displaced families and rebuilding destroyed homes. However, its resources have sharply diminished since the war. n n”Today, the group faces a greater challenge: reconstruction,” Younes said. “It seeks to push the state to assume responsibility, but it also recognizes that delays in rebuilding residential units could erode its public support.” n nSigns are growing that Hezbollah is preparing reconstruction projects despite their high costs, estimated in the billions of dollars, raising serious doubts about its ability to finance such efforts. n nIn the event of renewed conflict, challenges would intensify as destruction expands and demand for housing and reconstruction funding rises. The situation grows more complex ahead of upcoming elections, as Hezbollah aims to protect its political seats, requiring significant campaign spending that adds further financial strain. n nYounes believes the group now faces critical challenges requiring substantial financial resources to address reconstruction, meet domestic political demands, and manage the ongoing war’s consequences. n nCommunity Influence and Future Outlook n nPolitical analyst Qassem Qasir argues that Hezbollah’s economic and social activities, particularly within its base, do more than alleviate state burdens—they actively strengthen the local environment around the group. n nHe warns that targeting these activities or engaging in direct confrontation could have severe repercussions across Lebanon. n nSuch interventions, he says, might worsen economic and social crises, increase extremism, and potentially trigger broader public backlash. n nHezbollah manages a vast network of services including rehabilitation, shelter, healthcare, and social welfare, alongside education and cultural programs. Dozens of affiliated institutions operate on the ground, targeting diverse social groups, illustrating the depth of the group’s integration into daily life in areas under its influence.