Last week’s youth-driven demonstrations across Morocco have brought to light widespread frustration over persistent poverty and unequal access to public services, despite the country’s high-profile investments in infrastructure ahead of the 2030 World Cup, which it will co-host with Spain and Portugal. The protests, which began in major urban centers and later escalated into violent clashes in rural areas, were influenced by similar uprisings in nations like Nepal, Madagascar, and Peru. Three individuals were fatally shot attempting to breach a security facility, and more than 400 people were detained before tensions subsided.
This wave of unrest marks the most extensive since the 2011 Arab Spring, which led King Mohammed VI to transfer certain powers to parliament, and the most intense since the 2016 Rif region demonstrations. Authorities now face mounting pressure to balance economic progress with social stability while safeguarding Morocco’s global reputation.
Although Morocco has distinguished itself among non-oil Arab economies through substantial investments in transportation, renewable energy, and manufacturing—halving poverty rates according to national statistics and achieving a projected GDP growth of 4.6% this year—many citizens feel excluded from these gains. Protesters have emphasized demands for improved healthcare and education, often contrasting the state’s swift World Cup preparations with deteriorating public services. At a hospital in Agadir, a slogan emerged: “We do not want the World Cup. Health first,” following the deaths of eight women during childbirth.
Naji Achoui, a 24-year-old medical student who participated in a rally outside parliament in Rabat, cited the absence of essential medical equipment, such as CT scanners, as a key motivator. He described daily suffering among low-income patients due to poor conditions in state-run hospitals. Data from CESE, Morocco’s economic and social council, shows that 25% of individuals aged 15 to 24 are neither employed nor enrolled in education or training programs.
Jihane Ratma, a 19-year-old management student from Sale, criticized systemic failures in the education sector. She argued that both peaceful demonstrators and those involved in riots are ultimately victims of ineffective public policies, even though her stance opposes violence.
Initial government responses appeared disjointed. Authorities first banned gatherings and deployed police to block assemblies. By the time officials shifted toward dialogue, numerous buildings—including banks and a police station—had been damaged or set on fire. Mohamed Agdid, a retired law enforcement officer, accused political leaders of ignoring underlying issues, leaving security forces to manage the consequences.
A key factor in the rapid mobilization was the online group known as “GenZ 212,” referencing Morocco’s country code. Using platforms like Discord, TikTok, and Instagram, the collective grew its Discord membership from 3,000 to 188,000 within a single week, illustrating the power of digital organizing among disaffected youth.
Rural regions bore the brunt of the violence, particularly Ait Amira, an agricultural town in southern Morocco. Over the past 30 years, its population has surged from 25,000 to approximately 113,000 due to an influx of seasonal farm workers. Public infrastructure has failed to keep pace, resulting in high unemployment and unchecked urban sprawl. The local linguistic landscape has also shifted, with Moroccan Arabic increasingly replacing Amazigh. Sociologist Khalid Alayoud described the town as a “tinderbox waiting to explode.”
Public trust in formal political institutions is eroding. A survey by the Moroccan Institute for Policy Analysis revealed a drop in confidence in political parties from 50% in 2022 to 33% in 2023. In the aftermath of the unrest, government officials have adopted a more conciliatory tone. Employment Minister Younes Sekkouri acknowledged the legitimacy of protesters’ concerns, while Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch, whose resignation some demanded, emphasized dialogue as the only viable solution.
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Youth-led unrest exposes cracks in Morocco’s economic model
Summary n nProtests appear inspired by unrest in countries such as Nepal n nMany mobilised online, mainly through gaming app n nProtesters complain of public services and inequalities n nPrime minister says dialogue is only path forward n nWriting by Ahmed El Jechtimi and Alex Dziadosz; Editing by Aidan Lewis n nRABAT/CAIRO, Oct 6 (Reuters) – Youth-led unrest that spread across Morocco last week revealed deep-seated anger over poverty and public services behind a storyline of ambitious infrastructure projects and modern stadiums opening ahead of the 2030 World Cup. n nThe protests in major cities – inspired by similar revolts in Nepal, Madagascar and Peru – devolved into riots in rural towns and remote cities. Three people were shot dead as they tried to storm a security headquarters, and over 400, opens new tab were arrested, before the violence eased. n nThe unrest was the most widespread since the 2011 Arab Spring protests, which prompted King Mohammed VI to devolve some powers to parliament. It was also the most violent since the 2016 protests in the Rif region. n nThe protests expose a challenge for authorities as they try to maintain order and the pace of economic development while burnishing Morocco ‘s international image ahead of the World Cup, to be co-hosted with Spain and Portugal. n nDEMANDS FOR BETTER HEALTHCARE, EDUCATION n nMorocco has set itself apart from other non-oil Arab economies by pouring billions into roads, rail, ports, renewable energy and manufacturing. n nPoverty has been cut almost in half, according to the country ‘s statistics agency, and living standards in parts of the northwest coast rival Europe. n nCentral bank data projects GDP growth of 4.6% this year from 3.8% last year. Last month, S&P credit rating agency gave Morocco, one of Africa ‘s most diversified economies, a coveted “investment-grade” label. n nBut protesters complain that the prosperity has not been evenly distributed. Their main demands have been better healthcare and education, often drawing an explicit comparison to the rapid pace of tournament preparations. n nOne refrain – “We do not want the World Cup. Health first” – was deployed at a hospital in the southern coastal town of Agadir last month after eight women died there in childbirth. n nNaji Achoui, a 24-year-old medical student who joined a demonstration outside Morocco ‘s parliament in Rabat, said he was motivated by working in an emergency room that lacked basic equipment such as a CT scanner. “I see poor people suffering every day because of the dire conditions in public hospitals,” he said. n nResearch from CESE, the country ‘s economic and social council, last year found a quarter of Moroccans between 15 and 24 years old are not in education, employment or training. n nJihane Ratma, 19, who studies management in Sale, near Rabat, pointed to the school system ‘s failures. “We reject violence, but both the youth that protest peacefully and those engaging in riots are all victims of public policies,” she said. n nPROTESTERS MOBILISE ONLINE n nReactions to the protests suggest officials were initially wrongfooted. At first, rallies were banned and police thwarted attempts to gather. n nBy the time authorities pivoted to engagement, hundreds of cars and dozens of buildings, including banks and a police station, had been ransacked or torched. n n”The government and members of parliament buried their heads in the sand, leaving the security forces to deal with the fallout of failed policies,” Mohamed Agdid, a retired police official, told Reuters. n nThe confusion was likely compounded by the anonymous character of the group calling itself “GenZ 212” – a reference to Morocco ‘s dialing code – which mobilised protesters online using gaming app Discord, TikTok and Instagram. n nMembership in its Discord server surged from 3,000 to 188,000 in just a week. n nPRESSURE ON RURAL AREAS n nThe protests took a particularly violent turn in rural areas such as Ait Amira, an agricultural town in Morocco ‘s southern breadbasket region. n nOver three decades, the population there has more than quadrupled, from 25,000 to around 113,000, as seasonal laborers poured in to work on nearby farms. n nServices have not kept up. Joblessness is rife and illegal construction is booming. Even the language has changed, with Amazigh supplanted by Moroccan Arabic. “Ait Amira was a tinderbox waiting to explode,” Khalid Alayoud, a sociologist and activist, said. n nSuch problems are accompanied by a deepening loss of faith in conventional politics. Trust in political parties dropped to 33% in 2023 from 50% a year earlier, according to a survey by the Moroccan Institute for Policy Analysis, a think tank. n nSince the violence calmed, officials have struck a conciliatory tone. Employment Minister Younes Sekkouri acknowledged the “sincerity” of the protesters ‘ demands, and Prime Minister Aziz Akhannouch – whose resignation many protesters demanded – said dialogue was the only path forward.